On August 10, Tomás de la Quadra published an article in El País with the title “The laundering of the unconstitutional conduct of the PP”, in which he described the blockade of the renewal of the General Council of the Judicial Power (CGPJ) by the PP as a “kind of coup”: “It cannot be said that the political parties are blocking the renewal of the members of the CGPJ when there is one, the one led by Pablo Casado, the one who does it “.
It is a kind of repeated and persistent coup d’état, since the PP has blocked said renewal on the only two occasions that it has ceased to hold the presidency of the Government. He did it after losing the 2004 elections and he has done it, he is doing it, after Mariano Rajoy de la Moncloa was evicted in 2018 for the triumph of the motion of censure presented by Pedro Sánchez and losing the two general elections held in 2019 in this year.
The PP participates in the renewal of the constitutional bodies, for which a qualified majority of three fifths is required in the Congress of Deputies and the Senate, when it occupies the presidency of the Government and refuses to participate in said renewal when it ceases to occupy it. and goes to the opposition.
At this moment, it is not only blocking the renewal of the members of the CGPJ, but it is also blocking the renewal of four magistrates of the Constitutional Court (TC), the Ombudsman and the ministers of the Court of Accounts. The coup d’état to which Tomás de la Quadra refers exclusively with respect to the CGPJ, is a multiple coup d’état, since it affects all the institutions for whose renewal the legal system requires that qualified majority. Reiterated, since it has occurred every time the PP ceases to occupy the Presidency of the Government and persistent, since, in the case of the CGPJ, more than 1000 days have passed since the mandate of its members expired.
The rules governing the renewal of such bodies are the same today as at the time when the previous renewal took place. Exactly the same. With these norms, the PSOE participated in their renewal. The PP, on the contrary, refuses to do so. What is valid when he governs ceases to be valid when he is in opposition. That, apparently, is what allows the PP to describe itself as a “constitutional party” and exclude that the PSOE can be considered as such.
The PP accepts democracy “for the benefit of inventory.” It is preferable to govern democratically, that is, after having won the elections. But if I cannot govern democratically, I am not willing to allow the party that has won them to govern. In one way with José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and in another with Pedro Sánchez, the PP has considered that the PSOE lacked “legitimacy” to govern and, as a consequence, that any kind of trick could be used, whatever the outside, to evict him from La Moncloa.
As the patio is, I cannot see how a rectification in the behavior of the PP can take place, which allows the renewal of the blocked constitutional bodies. Not only because of the presence of Vox, but also because of the reiteration of the message by the PP about the “illegitimacy” of the Government chaired by Pedro Sánchez.
From a certain moment, a political leader cannot change the message with which he has repeatedly addressed the citizens. His political credibility is linked to the message he has been transmitting. You cannot now say the opposite of what you have been saying for more than two years.
Donald Trump was booed a few days ago at a rally for recommending attendees to get vaccinated against Covid-19. It is very likely that the same would happen to Pablo Casado if he decided that the PP participate in the renewal of the blocked constitutional bodies. Once you bet on the “coup”, it is difficult to rectify with credibility.
How can Pablo Casado tell the militants and voters of the PP that it is possible to agree with an “illegitimate” President like Pedro Sánchez, especially after the decision of Isabel Díaz Ayuso to opt for the Presidency of the PP in the Community of Madrid? Do you have room to make it sandwiched between Santiago Abascal and Isabel Díaz Ayuso?
The non-renewal of the constitutional organs of the State is the indicator of a constitutional crisis in which we know how we have entered, but in which I am afraid we do not know how we can get out.