The tsunami of pardons continues to strongly affect Spanish politics. But it is losing momentum. What seemed to give rise to an uprising with Pablo Casado inflamed and turned into a new Cascorro, is fading while the flow of opinions favorable to “everything that is directed towards normality is good” increases, as the CEO said. Banco Sabadell, or “the strength of dialogue and grace measures in all conflict situations” expressed by the Catalan bishops, later endorsed by the Spanish Episcopal Conference. Even the Council of Europe supports pardons.
And Casado, pushed from the outside by Vox and from within by that defender of Cascorro who is the president of the community of Madrid, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, who completely thwarted the original strategic plan of the PP president to achieve power with his peculiar campaign Madrilenian electoral, is now converted into a new Eloy Gonzalo, the hero of Cascorro, and desperately seeks where to apply the fire that serves to save their positions and disrupt the enemy.
It is a very powerful enemy formed by that amalgamated coalition of left and separatists in which now appear, as conjunctural allies, businessmen, bishops and even the Financial times. As José María Aznar says, with a certain air of an inspector from another era, “these are days to point out and not forget,” it is understood that to retaliate when the time comes. With these friends you don’t need enemies, the Iraq strategist seems to think.
The Financial times, the bible of capitalism, writes after the pardons an editorial in which it says that President Pedro Sánchez “is right” in trying to “find a way out of political paralysis and social division”, since the action against the pro-independence politicians “It has done nothing to heal the wounds in a divided Catalonia or to help Spain find an accommodation with a region with a strong sense of its own political and cultural identity.” And this, for the new Cascorro, is unbearable.
There is no other. You have to resurrect the hero of Lavapiés and launch yourself with the oil drum to start a fire that will destroy the defenses of this government and blow up its Frankenstein seams. Strolling through Madrid’s Rastro, the president of the PP raises his gaze to the statue of Eloy Gonzalo, alias Cascorro, and recalls his feat. Gonzalo, an inclusive man with a sad and unhappy life, became a soldier and ended up imprisoned for a love affair. He had to serve in jail until he was 42 years old, but at 27 he had the opportunity: to stay in jail or go to Cuba to defend Spain from the independent Cubans. And he chose, of course, this option.
The independentistas? Before Cubans, now Catalans, tomorrow Basques and then those from the canton of Cartagena. Eloy Gonzalo, Cascorro, from his pedestal, seems to lead the way. In Cuba, at the end of the 19th century, Gonzalo was a poor soldier in search of redemption who gives a patriotic feat to escape from a prison past. In the defense of the fort of a town called Cascorro, and in a dramatic situation, Gonzalo volunteered to burn down a building near the fort which caused a serious defense problem. He asked to be tied with a rope to retrieve his body if he ended up dead. He carried a Mauser rifle, an oil can, and matches. After a while, from the fort they saw that the building began to burn. Gonzalo had succeeded and had escaped unscathed. Since then he was known as the hero of Cascorro. “There is the example of a true patriot,” thinks Casado.
And he is willing to follow that desperate patriotic and incendiary path, because there is no other. They are all wrong. The Financial times or The New York Times, which ensures that the government’s decision “is the best for Catalonia and it is the best for Spain.” And the European institutions. And those businessmen who applaud Garamendi to the point of making him cry after not condemning the pardons, but seeing in them a possible path to the desired normality.
Desired normality? By whom? They have been sold to European funds. “The audience subsidized by European funds,” says the popular president, addressing the Catalan businessmen gathered to listen to the leader of the opposition. “What a scam of the tocomocho,” he bellows on a radio station about the recovery plan, while torturing the fingernail of the other with the fingers of one hand. “I’m going to end up negotiating a law with Father Angel,” he exclaims, already desperate. It gives the feeling of being cornered and not knowing where to exit. He does not have things as clear as Ayuso or Vox, who do know where to go.