The Government has finally succeeded, once again, that the numbers come out and allow the approval of the General Budgets. It is an undoubted success on the road to completing the legislature.
The peripheral vote is once again decisive. EHBildu is integrated into that vote. Their support was not essential, but it gives new life to the accusations of the right.
As soon as the EH Bildu coalition announced support for the general budgets, Pablo Casado, leader of the PP, complained that the coalition government bows to the heirs of ETA. It is a speech that gives him votes in that deep fishing ground of the simplest populism, which is why he uses it constantly.
Casado does not want to explain to his possible voters that EH Bildu is a coalition in which different political forces are present such as Eusko Alkartasuna, a split from the PNV, the Aralar political group, or part of the United Left of Euskadi, from which precisely the MP Oskar Matute.
Casado cannot accuse Oskar Matute of anything related to ETA, but he can do so with Arnaldo Otegi, who after showing condolences and solidarity with the victims last October, still has a journey of democratic penance and will have to think about his replacement. That is why Casado’s darts are focused on Otegi and Otegi’s party, Sortu, which is the evolution of what Herri Batasuna was.
There are those who think that “against ETA we lived better”, and in that way some, like Macarena Olona of Vox, are capable of viciously attacking the former socialist mayor of San Sebastián, threatened a thousand times by ETA, who faced a boldness that others then did not have, experts in kale borroka, which upsets even the president of Covite, the sister of the murdered, and used by Vox, Ordóñez. The use of spurious arguments causes an unbearable stench that distorts politics.
Years after the dissolution of ETA, the political discourse of EHBildu begins to express itself in Madrid in a different way. ERC and EH Bildu find closeness in the social, progressive and leftist language and, therefore, they maintain a good harmony. This social language with leftist overtones brings them closer to the ruling coalition and allows cross-cutting agreements.
The PNV had the same harmony with Convergència i Unió, but it jumped into the air, disappeared like a sugar in the water in the earthquake in Procés and all the subsequent conflict. Today the PNV does not have that old harmony with the political framework that succeeded CiU, which also allowed cross-sectional agreements. Those transversal agreements of CiU and PNV functioned as a political hinge that allowed, for example, the election in the Spanish Cortes as president of the Government of José María Aznar, after he agreed to reform the Economic Agreement and other agreements with the “willing separatists to break Spain “.
Today the government negotiator, the Minister of the Presidency Félix Bolaños, calls the PNV negotiator, Aitor Esteban, in the middle of his press conference, but that detail does not mean that there is a rush or nerves. The numbers already gave. The question was to sum up and achieve a large majority in an agreement as fundamental as the budgets. These are new times, and everyone has to adapt to them.
The first is the Popular Party, a state party, which wants to be a democratic, modern and European right wing, and is electorally expelled from two autonomies as important as the Catalan and the Basque and does not quite fit in with the emergence of the extreme right. .
Pablo Casado has recently starred in a funny farce with his presence, involuntary or not, at a mass in honor of the dictator Franco. The sainete has had a longer journey thanks to the intervention of the PP spokesperson in the European Parliament, Dolors Montserrat, who in a letter addressed to the president of the European Parliament has found it necessary to explain the democratic pedigree of his party, “one of the main promoters and defenders of Spanish democracy, contributing (sic) decisively to the transition after the death of dictator Francisco Franco in 1975 “.
But, in case the PP spokesperson in the European Parliament needed some more precision, let me remind her that on her own website, on that of the PP, it is explained that “the origins of the Popular Party go back to Alianza Popular, a formation that was born in the framework of the Transition as a union of different currents of the democratic and reformist right “.
So it was. The so-called “magnificent seven” then created the Popular Alliance, the embryo of the Popular Party. But, there was a democratic trap. Some of those “magnificent” had a past that linked them directly to the political and legal responsibility of Franco’s National Movement. The National Movement was the only political-administrative structure that, under Franco’s direct orders, allowed him to extend his dictatorship for 40 years, responsible for crimes, executions, arrests and extreme repression of the losers of the war and those opposed to the regime, and these yes defenders of democracy. Everything was forgotten with the Transition. Clean and clean.
For example, one of those “magnificent” of the seven who created the Popular Alliance that later became the Popular Party, Enrique Thomas de Carranza, was provincial head of the National Movement. Another, Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora, general counselor of the National Movement. Cruz Martínez Esteruelas, first secretary of the National Council of the Movement, or Licinio de la Fuente, also provincial head of the National Movement. Surely the names sound familiar to Casado, they are those leaders of “different currents of the democratic and reformist right” that they mention on the People’s Party website, and that their spokesman in the European Parliament can send the president of that European institution in a new communication.
Not to mention the best known of the “magnificent seven”, Manuel Fraga Iribarne, Minister of Information and in charge of explaining the inexplicable to the international press, when the Council of Ministers led by Franco, of which he was a member, sentenced to death in 1963 to the PCE leader Julián Grimau, who was shot, 27 bullets and three shots of grace, and Minister of the Interior when in 1975 the police killed five workers in a church in Vitoria.
The PP spokesperson can tell the president of the European Parliament and explain the democratic pedigree with which the Popular Alliance was born, later transmuted into the Popular Party.