Demolish the cross. Accelerate natural degradation by blowing up a fascist work as a symbol of the restoration of democracy. Destroy it as the allies did with the swastika of the Zeppelinfeld in Nuremberg, where the Nazis carried out their acts of force and exaltation. The German city will restore the stadium to remember what happened there, but without the swastika present. The example to follow for our place of shame. Destroy the cross, desecrate the abbey, remove the monks from the place, restore dignity to the buried victims and transform it into a memorial in the style of the one in Auschwitz or Rivesaltes to show the barbarism in which the Catholic Church also participated for much that it may offend you to remember it.
The cross is in itself an exaltation of Francoism because the Church was a necessary collaborator of the Spanish democide and because the monument had its religious character as its specificity. Catholic morals and norms served as a repressive element of the prisoners who built it and the bodies of those who lie there. Franco did not allow there to be any reprisals in his crypts who had denied Catholicism among the more than 34,000 Republicans who were transferred without permission from their families because they could not find enough fascists to bury in the mausoleum. Neither Spanish nationalism nor Catholicism can be separated from Francoism and they will have that stain forever in their legacy.
The Government is not going to do it, even if it is necessary to effectively redefine the Cuelgamuros monstrosity. Without doing it or trying to do so, it is already one of the fallacies that the extreme right is using to oppose a law that they face in a personal and family way for putting black on white that their ancestors were responsible for thousands of deaths, looting and corruption . The left does not learn when it comes to memory processes, there is nothing it can do to attract the right to respect the victims. It must be done despite them, against their resistance.
The survival of the cross in the Francoist complex is an example of the PSOE complex. A timorous democratic memory law that in some aspects borders on the mockery of the victims. The permanence of the cross despite the fact that the human rights rapporteur Pablo de Greiff expressed that the simple existence of the Valley of the Fallen is an exaltation of the Franco regime reveals the inability of the PSOE, now with United We Can, to show ambition to approve a law that gives Spain a democratic culture that is governed by the European standards that emerged after the Second World War.
The cross is not only a symbol of the barbarism of Francoism, but of the meagerness of a law whose most embarrassing point is the denial to the victims of Francoism of the same status as other victims who have a privileged character in our democracy. There are no first and second category victims but Spain insists on prioritizing and putting those reprisals by the dictatorship at the lowest point. The height of this humiliation is the regulation regarding reparation that includes an inventory of the stolen and plundered heritage but without the possibility of recovering it or having any type of compensation, do not go to bother the large companies and fortunes of this country built on the mass graves of the democrats.
The cross has to fall and the rest of the monument remains, for when we go to visit it remember the spirit of Max Aub, who on his return from exile insisted on visiting Cuelgamuros to honor those who raised it. Because the dignity for the victims is also erected by knocking down the cross of the monument, no matter how much it offends the believers who did not feel any offense when they saw how it was raised with the blood of the reprisals.