Friday, September 24

Juan Carlos I, alleged commissioner for the Prosecutor’s Office, after decades of rumors and impunity

Among all the rumors, those that affected Juan Carlos I. Of those that alluded to the king, the one who attributed a fortune forged during decades as a commission agent. Never has a suspicion ever published appeared more times in the private conversations of the Spaniards, including some cenacles of power. And now, with the king emeritus alive and, therefore, in time to prevent the rumor from becoming legend, a Supreme Court prosecutor has put in writing that he accumulates evidence that the former head of state has amassed a wealth resulting from “Commissions and other benefits of a similar nature by virtue of their intermediation in international business affairs.”

The Prosecutor’s Office extends its investigation to the King Emeritus of corruption crimes without denouncing it in the Supreme Court

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Last February, the Lieutenant Prosecutor of the Supreme Court Juan Ignacio Campos sent a request for information to the Swiss authorities in which, for the first time, and in such a clear way, the alleged role of commissioner of Juan Carlos I. one year after the revelation that began to crack the figure of the emeritus king. On March 3, 2020, a Swiss newspaper had published that the Geneva prosecutor Yves Bertossa was investigating a donation of 65 million dollars that Saudi Arabia would have given to Juan Carlos I in 2008 as a commission for his efforts in the award of the works of the AVE to Mecca.

Between one news story and another, a year had passed in which only the information about the alleged corruption of the former head of state could compete with the news of the pandemic that would leave 80,000 dead in Spain. Each revelation further cracked the figure of Juan Carlos I. The published opinion spoke of him as the architect of the transition from dictatorship to democracy and the key figure to thwart 23F. Excesses in the performance of office had for decades been relegated to private conversations. Any hint was taken as an attempt by opponents of the monarchy to destabilize the institution. But while the monarch appealed to the “exemplary” of public office, as he did in the Christmas speeches of 2011 and 2013 in the middle of the austerity era, he allegedly hid money from corruption in tax havens.

The rogatory commission sent by the Supreme Court prosecutor to Switzerland points to four possible crimes committed by Juan Carlos I: prosecutor, money laundering, bribery and influence peddling. The world unveiled its contents Thursday night. On Friday, the State Attorney General’s Office published a note, supervised by all the prosecutors involved in the investigation, with which it tried to reduce the uproar caused by revealing the content of its rogatory commission.

Sticking to the legal level, the Public Ministry considered it “necessary to remember” that any request for judicial assistance at the international level “necessarily requires detailing all the available evidence of criminality” and that these must be accompanied by “an initial and provisional legal qualification of the facts “. The effort abounded in what had been published.

On the one hand, that the Spanish Prosecutor’s Office has gathered in one year indications that Juan Carlos I put a price on his intervention in large awards around the world for Spanish companies. On the other hand, that this activity has continued to occur presumably after the monarch’s abdication and, therefore, when he no longer had the cloak of immunity. Hence, it can be translated into the four crimes of corruption that are listed in the letter rogatory to get Switzerland to send the required documentation. Juan Carlos I had brought to one of the Geneva banks in person and when he was still head of state, a briefcase with 1.7 million euros, according to his own fund manager, Arturo Fasana.

Tax sources indicate that any request such as the one made in February to the authorities of another country must be accompanied by the maximum number of criminal offenses that could fit into the facts investigated and that this does not mean that Juan Carlos I will be imputed. by some of them or by all. The same sources downplay the allusion to “commissions and international business”, since the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office alluded since it opened the investigation procedures three years ago to an alleged crime of international bribery, which would already imply the collection of commissions.

However, Anticorrupción insisted then that it was not investigating the monarch, for which it had no powers, and that it was reviewing the matter of the AVE to Mecca after the first judge of the Villarejo case, Diego de Egea, with the support of the The Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office itself would have closed for the first time the piece on the commissioner’s dossier in relation to the assertions of the king’s former lover, Corinna Von Larsen, about the alleged criminal activities of the monarch.

Anticorruption then valued that a line of investigation had to be saved from that file, a possible crime of corruption in international transactions, without being able to point out King Juan Carlos at that time, among other things because in 2008 the monarch enjoyed inviolability.

It is at another point where the investigation into the king emeritus differs from any other due to these possible crimes. The investigations around the monarch have therefore been open for three years without having resulted in his file or in a complaint before the Chamber of the Supreme Court, a jurisdictional body before which he has been assessed since his abdication.

Legal sources consulted by rule out that the Prosecutor’s Office has lengthened the initial phase of an investigation for so long in the past and that it has carried out so many international letters rogatory before requesting the opening of a legal case. It is precisely these requests for help to other countries, some as little given to cooperating as Saudi Arabia, which have delayed the adoption of a decision on the existing evidence against the former monarch.

From the rumors to this day, the events have been happening in these three years of previous investigation. If the king was not investigated, he has been mentioned in the rogatory commission to Switzerland in February and directly alluded to his role as commission agent, pointing out the possible crimes he would have committed. Meanwhile, these preliminary investigations have passed from Anti-Corruption, without jurisdiction to investigate the monarch, to the Prosecutor’s Office of the Supreme Court, although they have been joined by the head of the specialized Prosecutor’s Office, Alejandro Luzón. And one line of investigation has gone to three, when adding the one that investigates the expenses with the opaque cards that revealed in November 2020, and another on the possible relationship of the monarch with 10 million euros in an account Jersey tax haven.

To this must be added the confession that already supposes the two regularizations made by Juan Carlos I and that, in order to avoid the opening of an inspection by the Treasury or a complaint from the Prosecutor’s Office, they supposed to admit that the previous head of State had deceived to the treasury. These two regularizations have meant more than five million euros recovered by the State, whose origin is not clear either.

The transformation of the rumor about the role of commission agent of the king in a judicial investigation, although it is preliminary and has not yet resulted in a lawsuit, also led to his departure from Spain. Juan Carlos I resides in the United Arab Emirates since the summer of 2020. The succession of scandals prevents him from fulfilling his wish to return.

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