Saying organized crime refers to people who, for criminal purposes, come to constitute a unit or group. It is a punctual term whose power we appreciate when, as a result of an arrest, criminals achieve a successful rescue: they take their accomplices out of a police station, a hospital or even a jail.
Faced with these manifestations of power, not only the disorganization of the government -represented at times by municipal police officers with weak training and supplies, at times by a National Guard as frightening as Ambrosio’s rifle, and at others by prosecutors without the capacity to achieve sentences in a court – is in evidence, but that of society itself, including its unions, as has been the case this week with Mexican journalists.
The criminals organize themselves to guarantee their impunity, the citizens do not do the same to combat it, and unfortunately these days we have a sample button with the death of another journalist, the second in a month, the 25th in López Obrador’s six-year term. , Jan so far this century of uncontainable violence in Mexico.
It happened in Tijuana. Monday. In broad daylight. Margarito Martínez Esquivel was assassinated. Two bullets in the head. Colleagues from that city and others who often worked on the border have lamented the stupid, irrational and incredible death of a good information worker, a valued contributor to various media. But regrets aside, what’s next?
If the past gives clues to the future, it will not change immediately: for the journalistic union and for society, one can only fear that there will be new murders, thousands every month, and one journalist every seven weeks, on average.
In Tijuana, colleagues were moved by the bullets that have left a terrible hole in them. They were shots that grazed their skin. In the capital of a country with renewed centralism, did the murderous detonations resound?
Journalists murdered in Mexico do not die in Mexico City. This geographical circumstance makes deaths less costly for the federal government, and even for local governments. They are colleagues who fall far. Far from the capital’s misnamed national press, far from AMLO’s Palace.
Speaking of the President. Today Mexican journalists suffer more precariousness than when López Obrador came to power. This crisis is not his fault, but the president has not done anything to improve the regime of freedoms either; and worse still, it has normalized the attacks in at least two ways: with its attacks on the press in the morning, and with indolence: this government has protected a failed director of Notimex, it has perpetuated the discretionary nature of the delivery of official advertising and he turns a deaf ear to news such as the death of each murdered journalist, while he is not moved by the annual accumulation of these homicides.
Days after the communicator José Luis Gamboa was killed in Veracruz, they have killed Margarito Martínez Esquivel. His family will only be halfway through the novena. But on the part of what should be his other family –the national union of journalists and editors–, there may be a private prayer, a loose piece of news, an article here or there, but not at all the due and obligatory tribute: a claim sustain of justice for this new colleague and for the previous ones. An effective mobilization that shows that, in the face of empowered criminals –including lone assassins– and an indolent State, society knows how to organize itself. The cost of not doing so will be resigning yourself to lighting candles at each novena.