Thursday, February 2

The extreme right as a police hindrance

More than a party, it is a small group. He presents himself as a spokesman for “authentic Spanish patriotism” and his unsuccessful proselytizing is based on this motto: “Join the resistance.” However, the leader of this anti-system “resistance” has been too close to the system for several decades, since the turbulent times of the Transition to democracy, specifically the National Police and some of its commanders. So much so that he has received various distinctions and recognitions from the police, either towards himself or towards the private security company he owns, despite a string of xenophobic and homophobic incidents, hate towards “reds”, “Catalanists” immigrants and democrats in general, decorate his career. Spain 2000, which is the name of the organization that formed a party in the early years of this century, is a tiny fraction based in Valencia whose program consists of liquidating the State of Autonomies, as well as the “vase institutions” of the Royal House, the Senate and the deputations; expel “immigration surpluses”, putting “the Spanish first”; put an end to the European Union because, literally, “Russia’s rapprochement with Europe is an opportunity to improve our economy and our independence”; stimulate the birth rate and the traditional family model in the face of the demographic crisis, and leave NATO.

Spain 2000 has been and is the neo-fascist nucleus from which most of the aggressive episodes of the ultra-right have been agitated with great impunity in the streets of Valencia. And there have been times when that agitation has been very intense, from the 2002 demonstration against immigrants in the Russafa neighborhood, which ended in serious clashes between anti-fascist groups and riot police, to a march in the Benimaclet neighborhood recently. more than a year in which Francoist flags were exhibited. On some occasions, his provocations have reached the streets of Madrid, such as in the demonstration that toured the Chueca neighborhood in September 2021 and in which homophobic slogans and insults against the LGTBI collective were chanted, at the end of which he delivered a harangue its leader, José Luis Roberto.

The character who has supported that small group for so long was arrested during the Transition for placing two explosives against a nationalist act in Valencia but was never convicted for it. In addition to doing business with Russian businessmen, he has had a gym that was investigated for promoting sports championships. valet, a fighting modality in which practically everything is allowed. In 2004, The Court of Valencia confirmed a previous sentence of a criminal court for which he was sentenced to one year in prison for presenting a false witness in a misdemeanor trial for a traffic accident. As a lawyer, he has defended some of the ultras accused of the attacks on October 9, 2017 against a demonstration called by Valencian and left-wing organizations. Between 2000 and 2011, he was head of the legal services and general secretary of the National Association of Entrepreneurs of Alterne Locals, a time in which he was the protagonist of a controversy with other far-right formations that criticized him for advocating the granting of residence permits. foreign women to practice prostitution while his political organization took to the streets to denounce the massive arrival of immigrants to Spain.

A figure with that resume is the lawyer for the private prosecution against Mónica Oltra in the case of handling a complaint for abuse by her husband of a minor under guardianship for which the Valencian vice president resigned. Ricardo Ferris, who was recently dismissed as chief inspector of the Centro de València police station by the General Directorate of Police after making public the xenophobic messages that he spread in an act organized by Vox in which he maintained, despite the fact that all the official statistics deny it, that “practically all of those detained by the Police and the Civil Guard are foreigners.”

The combination of personal business -his company, Levantina de Seguridad, bills six million euros a year-, far-right activism and proximity to the Police is no coincidence. José Luis Roberto has always placed great emphasis on highlighting the distinctions or supposed distinctions received from the police forces, such as the one awarded in 2017 by the then Interior Minister Juan Ignacio Zoido, of the PP, to one of his sworn guards, or the “mention of honor” that in 2019 the Government of Pedro Sánchez gave to the CEO of his security company for the “long and award-winning professional career of the Valencian company, a pioneer in private security for more than 30 years”. That is why it is not enough that the Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska, reacted to the awarding of an award to Roberto by the Paterna police station, where the extremist leader resides and where his company exercises private surveillance of an urbanization, assuring that it was an “individual” action by the commissioner that does not correspond to “the values ​​and philosophy of the National Police, of a State security body in a democratic country.” And it is frankly disappointing that the Government responds to a question from Senator Carles Mulet, limiting itself to stating that the Police have not granted “any official recognition” to the leader of Spain 2000 because these are distinctions that are not included in the “own regulations” of the National Police or “institutionally”.

It is time to clarify what are the complicities that such tributes reveal, whether they are “official” or not; if that far-right hindrance attached to the National Police Corps feeds on it and to what extent it poses a threat to democratic coexistence. We may be facing a entrenched problem of public order.



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