The Germans have voted center with great clarity. The north of the country leans more towards the Social Democrats of the SPD, while the conservative vote, divided, predominates in the south and east of the country. But after this general statement, the map of the results shows significant anomalies that denote latent bankruptcies and vanishing points of that immense moderate majority. The most visible is the turquoise blue stain that marks the dominance of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in the eastern Bundesländer. Although at the federal level it was 10.3% of the votes, two percentage points less than in the 2017 elections, in much of eastern Germany it is the party
They are ruled out of any governing coalition and in a state of isolation with no hope of remission, but they consolidate their presence in the Bundestag and remain an effervescent party in the federal states of Thuringia and Saxony, where they have defended their position of first force above 20%. In addition, by forming a parliamentary group for the second consecutive term, they will begin to receive funds from the federal budget for their foundation, some 70 million euros a year for the Desiderius Erasmus Stiftung, from which they will begin to compete inside and outside the German borders in the cultural battle with the rest of the parties, which last year shared 550 million euros in this concept.
“We are very satisfied with the result”, the candidate Alice Weidel summarizes the assessment of the party, “they gave us a short life, it was predicted that we would not last long in Parliament, but it has been shown that we have a solid and constant voter base” .
In Bavaria another fault can be observed. The conservative base plate tectonic pressure pressures social Christians from Markus Söder, until now undisputed leaders. Free voters (Votantes libres) increases its votes by 1.4% in the region, to exceed 4%, at the expense of the CSU. Söder’s wayward government partner did not stop posting the embargoed exit polls on Twitter until six in the afternoon before the allowed time. The regional economy minister, Hubert Aiwanger, was delighted. “Thank you to our voters!” He came forward to congratulate, “Now we will be in more state parliaments, we will strengthen the structures and politics of our country!”
This party, which arises from local conservative, nationalist associations and feeds on Christian networks, boasts a certain anti-system air and general distrust towards the Berlin government and towards the political system in general. There are very few regions in which it has constituted itself as a party and in these elections it has shown in Bavaria that it has a harmful potential for the so-called ‘Volksspartei’, the great parties. In Bavaria they obtained 7.5% of the second votes, 4.8 percentage points more than four years ago and also celebrate respectable successes in Rhineland-Palatinate with 3.6%, in Brandenburg (2.6%) and in Saxony (2.3%).
In Baden-Württemberg, with 1.9%, the initiative from Stuttgart enters the fray Querdenken (transversal thinking), which has brought to the streets tens of thousands of protesters against the restrictions imposed to fight the pandemic and that in spring was about to assault the German Parliament, in a worrying parallel with the images of the Capitol already imprinted on the collective retina . The first demonstrations began in 2020. On Monday, the party thanked its voters and confirmed that its commitment in the streets “for the return to democracy” will continue.
Minority parties emerge like mushrooms, such as the Animal Welfare Party, which increased 0.6%; the satirical party Die Partei, the Pirate Party, the Volt party or the Todenhöfer Party, whose founder Jürgen Todenhöfer was once a member of the CDU and now walks through dangerous antisemitic gorges.
The fact that small parties have done so well overall in these elections is unusual. In the first federal election in 1949, the minority parties that appear in the count framed in the section ‘Others’, took 27.8% of the second votes, but in the following years the proportion decreased and has only begun to increase. again since the turn of the millennium. Even if they do not enter the Bundestag, they do not leave empty-handed. Anyone who receives at least 0.5% of the vote in a federal or European election receives financial subsidies. According to the Ministry of the Interior, 45 cents each year for every euro they receive in donations and 83 cents per second vote.