Monday, September 20

The institutionalization of violence

I understand that under the informative tyranny of the rugged, of what can be used to open gatherings and informative by dumping a bucket of fresh meat on the table, any attempt to keep the focus on what is important is as effective as screaming in the middle of a storm . Still worth a try.

According to police sources, the brutal homophobic aggression that took place in Madrid, in the MalasaƱa neighborhood, three days ago, was not such. It seems that from the beginning the version of the alleged victim was suspicious to the police in charge of the investigation and that, after several takes of statements, he ended up confessing that the injuries he presented were part of a consensual sexual encounter; that he had decided to report to cover up an infidelity to his partner. The rugged, the bloody details with which we have slept these days, the ones that have taken our sleep and made us tremble, have given a deadly double in their performance and we are going to know them even more in detail so that no one is left he doubts the depravity and lies of which an entire collective is capable. Neither hooded, nor torture. We still have days of merciless targeting of fags, dykes, bisexuals and trans people. The 722 LGTBIQ hate attacks reported this year are automatically disregarded by an alleged false report of which we only know what the police have told us. That’s not fair. And it is political.

Samuel, blessed be, was killed with the shout of a fag and made postmortem gas light, which is another form of aggression, until the investigation was opened in which it was shown, even more clearly, that one of the murderers had ” a problem with fags. ” This same weekend there have been four more attacks with the same motivation and in the end what remains floating are bottle fights, drunken things or the specific actions of the pimp on duty.

Those of us who have suffered in our own flesh the sexist and hate violence LGTBIQ know of its peculiarities and its institutionalization. We know that if someone intervenes it is to remove the attacked from the place where we are, never the aggressor, who is calm in good manners and is even invited to have a drink to lower the atmosphere. We know how they will look at us at the police station if we report, how they can make us feel, in such a way that it is often not worth continuing with the process and all you want is to get home and cry impotence until Wow. This is the institutionalization of violence: the vague citizen responses -capable of justifying the unjustifiable-, the insecurity caused by filing a complaint in police stations and the way in which the press will choose to report it.

All this padded landscape for the aggressor, all the questioning of the testimonies of those who receive the violence, are perfectly sharpened political tools with a clear purpose. There is talk of cultural battles, of visibility and of the resulting reaction. This is correct, but it should be contextualized in our day-to-day lives, in what we see and hear and in how political messages are decanted until they poison coexistence in an unbearable way.

LGTBIQ struggles have been a bargaining chip since their origin. To destroy the diverse memory of a nation or to use it as a medal to hang before the neighbors. By now we all know that the images of the famous book bonfire fueled by the Nazis in ’33 belong to the Berlin Institute for Human Sexuality. And that erasing the airs of sexual freedom that occurred during the Weimar Republic was a priority. The LGTBIQ memory is an inescapable part of the memory, justice and freedom of a society, a very efficient indicator of them.

In the same way, the chest out in front of all those surveys that proclaim Spain as an LGTBIQ integration paradise, show the enormous dissonance that exists between what the people who make up this group say and live and what those who claim to guarantee presume our freedoms. They only have to ask us for once instead of always asking themselves.

One cannot avoid being perplexed by the paradox of being before political institutions that congratulate themselves for a job well done and at the same time welcome in the supreme chamber of citizen representation, and even agree with it when the time comes, a political formation that affirms the legal and social preeminence of cisheterosexual people without complexes and that contemplates, for example, conversion therapies as a possibility for LGTBIQ people.

When the extreme right says the things it says, when those who sit with them whitewash hate speech, they are, among all, giving permission or legitimizing that their voters and all those people who held their hatred out of social shame, lose their scruples and display the corresponding atrocities loudly and clearly. We know from historical experience that these words often become signs. We have suffered them in our own flesh for far too long.

It takes a lot of insistence and a lot to put the body that they create us and it takes very little to lighten our demands, to turn them into something frivolous, exaggerated or insubstantial. Women and LGTBIQ people know very well how the construction of the liars fag, the lying woman, the threatening trans or the perverse bisexual works.

The nature of an assault is elusive, many of us have realized that we have been assaulted long after the event occurred. Diffuse consents, that is, those that are taken for granted, have freed many offenders from facing consequences and have confused their victims for years.

If the boy from MalasaƱa has lied, there is no doubt that he has done a lot of damage to the real victims and has committed a despicable act. But much worse is making their fear a reason to forget that hate crimes are growing year after year, that reality has become more complicated for women and LGTBIQ people, that we are more afraid because we perceive real threats. And that all this has a clear and unavoidable political and institutional responsibility.

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