What began in Andalusia, when the community that was for decades the largest source of socialist votes lost its fear of the right wing ruling and with Juanma Moreno Bonilla becoming an electoral talisman, has been transferred in these regional and municipal elections to the rest of Spain . Given the show of force of the PP, which has significantly improved its results and not only because of the assimilation of the votes of Ciudadanos, it remains to be seen if we are facing a scenario identical to that of 2011. Those regional ones, in which the PSOE lost all of his regional power and a good part of the local power at the hands of the PP, were the prelude to the vast absolute majority of Mariano Rajoy. Is Sánchez in time to fight in the general elections or is the change of cycle that will culminate with Alberto Núñez inevitable? Feijóo in the Moncloa? The situation in Spain has nothing to do with that of 2011, but the left is faced with the paradox that good economic data, social measures and progress in freedoms do not work electorally or prevent exhaustion. And the worst news is not even the poor health of the PSOE but the collapse of the government partners, especially in all the big cities. The collapse of Podemos in territories as important as Madrid, the fall of Más País or the non-existent mobilizing effect of Yolanda Díaz and her project have shown that the disunity, the troubles and the crossfire in that political space have resulted in a single reality: all have lost.
Criticism of past bull, the day after the elections, is very easy to do and it is only worth considering if the situation is reversible or the patient is in a terminal state. The Spanish left faces a cycle closure, but not only, but also the inability to capitalize on social advances and positive economic data among a highly precarious middle class. The voter has preferred the repeal of sanchismo and its pacts and the sound of liberal ideals, although these actually have the objective of favoring the economic interests of a business and rentier elite.
The problem of the PSOE is Andalusia, although the eyes turned yesterday to the Valencian Community, Aragon or La Rioja, but it is much more so the fact that to its left there are a multitude of actors but not a defined project. The leaders of this space have achieved that their voters have a distorted and pessimistic judgment of the very parties that make it up. In Spain there is a tendency to vote, left and right, for someone trustworthy, the usual one, who brings order to chaos, even if this chaos is invented. The populism of the right has found itself with a divided left that easily enters the framework of the cultural wars that the PP establishes and that loses decisive votes due to the wounds of disunity. Recovering credit in Andalusia and overcoming the blockade that prevents the creation of a true alternative to the left of the PSOE are the two most urgent issues, not just to fight in the next general elections, but to have a future from the opposition if Núñez Feijóo manages to govern , which today seems much more possible than yesterday.
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