The Kitchen case investigators have been secretly investigating, for months, an espionage operation parallel to the one that Luis Bárcenas’ family went through when he entered prison in the summer of 2013. The objective of this second Kitchen was Bárcenas himself, by that the information services had spied on the same jail, without judicial control, to recover the information from box B held by the ex-treasurer that could harm the leaders of the Popular Party, the formation then in the Government.
It was Bárcenas himself who revealed to investigators the strange circumstances surrounding his first stay in prison, during the statements he has secretly given before the judge, prosecutors and Internal Affairs agents in recent months.
Luis Bárcenas discovered a prisoner who was not who he claimed to be and who, surprisingly, was in prison with a false identity before suddenly disappearing. The former treasurer links the follow-ups that this mysterious inmate carried out for a month and a half to the seizure by officials of the handwritten note that he revealed elDiario.es this Friday, in which Bárcenas gave instructions to a third inmate to destroy the audio that implicated Mariano Rajoy in box B of the PP when he went on leave.
For their part, Internal Affairs agents have compared Bárcenas’ statements with the agendas seized from Villarejo last October. Along with the aliases used to designate the Secretary of State for Security, Francisco Martínez, and other implicated police officers, there are annotations by Villarejo that allude to the prisoners and the operation to erase the audio files mentioned by Bárcenas in his espionage complaint. The members of the political brigade, according to these annotations, contacted the prisoner in charge of erasing the recording of Rajoy when he was released from prison.
And a third leg of the investigation into this new alleged illegal espionage operation: the director of the Soto del Real prison at that time denied in his statement before the Internal Affairs agents that he received any instructions from the Ministry of the Interior or the authority judicial for any monitoring or control activity on the inmate Luis Bárcenas Gutiérrez. On April 20, the agents wrote: “He says that in this specific case no request came through either of the two channels.”
A Spanish spy prisoner with a Dominican card
This is how Bárcenas’s story begins: “I detected a person who infiltrated the module where I was to carry out follow-up tasks.” “He followed me and took notes,” said the former Treasurer of the Popular Party. The alibi of this alleged prisoner among the inmates of the Bárcenas module is that he had been arrested trying to smuggle drugs into Spain with a sailboat. But one fine day he disappeared from the module. Bárcenas and other inmates thought he had changed to another, but later learned that he was no longer in jail.
Bárcenas graphically describes the episode of the spy in prison before the judge and prosecutors: “The photo of the individual that corresponded to the identity card of the person who was doing the monitoring was a Dominican, but the man who was doing the monitoring was a man. Spanish, white, very white. And not coffee with milk, as the Dominican was, no. In other words, they had infiltrated a person with such a level of clumsiness that they managed to manufacture a NIS [Número de Identificación de Seguridad, una suerte de carnet de recluso]I don’t know if it can be done, they had assigned him the NIS of another person, who had already been in the Penitentiary Center and was a Dominican. ”
Luis Bárcenas tells the judge and the prosecutors that he believes that behind the espionage in prison is the National Intelligence Center and the interest of the then vice president of the Government, on whom the Spanish espionage service depended, in that the case of the box B will not splash Mariano Rajoy.
The story of the false Dominican intersects with the episode of the Colombian computer scientist to which Bárcenas asks that, with permission, access the ‘cloud’ and erase the recordings that the former treasurer had made of Mariano Rajoy and Javier Arenas. This is a computer expert who offers to do the work for a six-day leave. Bárcenas agrees to give him an amount of money, which would range between 1,500 and 3,000 euros, that the inmate requires to buy computer equipment. He accepts and agrees that his wife would deliver it to him, through the infiltrated driver, Sergio Ríos. The driver’s appointment with this prisoner is reflected in Villarejo’s agenda.
The Colombian citizen told Bárcenas that he could not do the job because he was detained in the hotel room that he was occupying on leave due to a claim from a court for another pending case. Before or after leaving leave, the officials made a surprise search of the Colombian’s cell and found Bárcenas’s annotation: “Alex, you have to destroy all MR’s audios when I give you the order. There should be nothing left. It is my commitment. Do the favor of recovering them. Hug “. When Bárcenas got out of jail, he went to the ‘cloud’ and found that the files were gone. The former treasurer assures that another copy was stolen from him by the political brigade of his wife’s study and that there is no third.
Villarejo’s agenda: “Data on a Colombian collaborator of maco”
Just three weeks ago, Internal Affairs agents drew up a report, to which elDiario.es has had access, in which they collect Bárcenas’ statements and add the notes seized from Villarejo in the agendas. On August 13, 2013, the commissioner wrote in his diary, along with the nickname “Andi” (Andrés Gómez Gordo, accused commissioner and former Cospedal adviser): “Data on a Colombian collaborator of MACO”, a possible allusion to jail. On September 3, 2013, next to the name “Chisco” (Francisco Martínez, Secretary of State for Security), Villarejo points out: “Car of (unintelligible). Prison help. Computer issue, copy on phone.” On October 3, the person referred to is BIG (commissioner Enrique García Castaño, also charged in Kitchen): “2 packages with notes to a third-degree prisoner.”
Other annotations show that those responsible for the Interior and the police officers of the political brigade are aware of the incidents that Bárcenas carries out with the officials and civil guards of the prison. On January 13, 2014, Villarejo alludes to a conversation this time with the lawyer related to Mariano Rajoy and several of the defendants Javier Iglesias: “Hakers. Óscar Jiménez is the lawyer who takes him. He’s in Soto.”
That same day, next to the name of the driver, “Sergi”, Vilarejo points to a mobile of the “computer scientist” and adds: “Delivery of money on Wednesday in exchange for a job.” The mobile, according to the agents, corresponds to the sister of Isidro Sánchez Suárez, the identity of the Colombian who agrees with Bárcenas to erase the recordings of Rajoy and Bárcenas.
Two other inmates who have contact with Bárcenas in those days are the Romanians Dragos Luican Osanu and Lucatus Gabor. Their names appear on Villarejo’s agendas. The commissioner attributes to the Secretary of State for Security the information he obtained on January 15, 2014 from Drago (“Haker de Iglesias”) and Lukatos Gabor (“he says that LB is approached by a very strong Romanian. His lawyer is called Oskar Zein “).
The Internal Affairs agents have so far demanded internal notes from the prison officials, data on the Dominicans who were in the Bárcenas module with him, and have sought background information and connections with the inmates who had the most contact with the former treasurer.