Saturday, November 26

The PP crisis and Ayuso’s hidden agenda

This is a story of unleashed ambitions, corruption and merciless betrayal. And that is why it is impossible for it to end well for its protagonists. Surely not for the moral and democratic health of society. Its characters are known to all, they enter the corners of our intimacy at any time in a meta-informative carnival that, more than informing, aims to manipulate opinions in favor of facts that are worthy of contempt and moral rejection. In the midst of this gale of news that does not last a day, there is only one certainty: this story still has several seasons left.

What is at stake. I never had a good opinion of Pablo Casado and I wrote an article when he was elected leader of the Popular Party with the headline “Gasgarabis of apparatus” . His political inconsistency and his erratic speech were evident. His sincerity in combating nepotism and corruption in his party has also been questionable. It seemed more like an attempt to repeat Rajoy’s move that led to the resignation of Esperanza Aguirre. But he knew how to position himself well before the motion of censure from Santiago Abascal to Pedro Sánchez. And that is one of the origins of what is happening now. Let’s see what’s behind what’s happening.

“It is better to agree with Ortega Lara’s party than with his kidnappers” . This is what Isabel Díaz Ayuso said in the electoral campaign of Castilla y León, using the image of a victim of terrorism to whitewash the extreme right. We will hear it more times. Later, she declared herself in favor of agreeing with Vox regardless of what the left said. And she said it with the intention of pushing Pablo Casado to authorize Mañueco to agree with the extreme right to form a government in Castilla y León.

For its part, Vox has set conditions that are impossible for a democratic party to meet, no matter how right-wing it may be: repeal of the laws on sexist violence and on historical memory. Thus, without complexes, claiming to be the most genuine expression of patriarchy and Francoism. The requirement to have the vice presidency and four ministries to legitimize his speech and normalize his presence in the institutions was also not minor. Whoever does not believe in human rights is an obvious danger to democracy.

To recapitulate: if the extreme right sets conditions that are impossible from a democratic point of view; and if Ayuso summons the leadership of the Popular Party to agree with Vox, the consequence is very clear: the agreement is not possible and Pablo Casado is put in the pillory of failure. It is clear that it seems like an agreed strategy in which both Vox and Ayuso benefit. On the one hand, Abascal bills Casado for the lack of support for his motion of censure; on the other, Ayuso took a new step in his strategy of wearing Pablo Casado down for his assault on state power. This coincident strategy can be seen in the budget pact in the Community of Madrid, which contrasts with the disagreement in Andalusia and in the Madrid City Council. Or is someone so naive that he thinks it’s casual Kind regards between Ayuso and Vox?

Seven days that shook the PP. On the game board of the struggle for power, it all started on February 16 when an alleged investigation was leaked from the PP leadership into the collection of commissions from Tomás Díaz Ayuso in a mask supply contract. It is done through a newspaper with a clear political position in favor of Ayuso. The next movement was the press conference where the president of Madrid placed herself in the position in which she moves best: victimhood. With a painful gesture, she harshly accused Casado and García Egea of ​​acting “cruelly and unfairly” against her. The management denied the accusations and announced the opening of an information file. After an unsuccessful meeting between Casado and Ayuso, the barons of the party pressed and Génova announced that she was withdrawing the file only 24 hours later. The last decisive move was to take his “ayusers” out into the street, surely packed with Vox followers, before the Genoa headquarters to ask for Casado’s head. Ayuso had Casado against the ropes and about to fall on the canvas. The KO was a matter of hours and he would end up saying goodbye in the Congress of Deputies a week later.

A scheming and reckless Pygmalion. We must recognize the skill of the man behind Ayuso’s entire strategy, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez. Una Ayuso, a painful victim, launches an order at the PP and manages to stop talking about corruption but about “total war” in the party. This strategy is superimposed on a series of shady facts: suspicions about commissions charged by different relatives and people close to Díaz Ayuso, even in the midst of the pandemic. We are talking about his brother, his mother, his ex-sister-in-law, his ex-partner. It smells awful.

All this, with the invaluable complicity of many media outlets that end up absolutely disregarding the facts and defending their political trench. She plays with feelings so brazenly that, for example, El Mundo takes a photo of a three-year-old Ayuso with her brother and her mother on the cover. He could also have taken out a five-year-old Pablo Casado playing with a puppy. But, no: the bet is very clear and the manipulation too.

It has happened to Pablo Casado as the protagonist of the novel by Ramón J. Sénder: The equinoctial adventure of Lope de Aguirre. The disaffections to Casado have skyrocketed in hours until leaving him politically dead and leading him to resign. But neither with this, nor with the extraordinary Congress, nor with the election of Feijóo will this story end. It is only the beginning of a new season marked by the debate on the political project (a conservative but pro-European party or a party allied with the dark shadow of the extreme right) and the ambitions at stake. In it, that Pygmalion and king of intrigue who pulls the strings, will try to achieve the objective he has and which is none other than Ayuso’s for president by the grace of Vox. He will do it with the recklessness that characterizes him, acting like those football coaches who only want to win another Champions League title more for themselves than for their last team. And, if I’m not mistaken, this will again lead to turning the PP into an Agramante field.

Although there can always be script twists that avoid it, such as the role of a justice that acts independently or the popular mobilization fed up with so much rottenness. The Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office has opened an investigation into Ayuso’s brother. It is unlikely to happen, but imagine that he finds clear evidence of crime and corruption in this Ayusogate, after Pablo Casado’s head has rolled. The moral dump that the Popular Party would turn into would affect our democratic system. If an ethical sense of morality is lacking and the unjustifiable is justified, one ends up saying what a lady who demonstrated in front of Genoa: “Married is a traitor, dirty laundry is washed at home.” Strong. When what is outrageous is not corruption, but that it is known, corruption devours politics. So, be very careful: the bottom line is that there is a government articulated around the extreme right. There is no innocent power, but some are especially dangerous for democracy and it can only be protected if it knows what it is up against.



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