Trapero denies the Prosecutor’s Office and denies that a drug trafficker is a ‘narco’

Trapero’s statement has been contrary to the interests of the Prosecutor’s Office and favorable to those of the defenses. Thus, the major has stated that during the time that Manuel GC was a confidant of the Mossos he had “no indication” that he was dedicated to drug trafficking. And regarding the Mosso accused of helping the ‘narcos’, JR, the major has said that he is not aware that he has acted “against the interests of the Mossos.” What’s more, he has highlighted that the sub-inspector is a “recognized person” in “street” investigations, for example on Latino gangs.

Trapero’s statement was one of the most anticipated in the trial of the Macedonia case, a case that shows the complex relationship between confidants and police forces and which ended in an unprecedented confrontation between Judge Aguirre, who is now investigating the Voloh case, and the Mossos.

Trapero has not hidden how bad things ended with Judge Aguirre, and has lamented that some time later – eleven years have passed since the case – he continues to receive “the effects” of the conversation he had with the judge with which the disagreements began, in veiled reference to the plan concocted by Commissioner Villarejo to implicate him in the drug plot.

The major has also referred to the audio between Commissioner Villarejo and two of his cronies which, according to the defense of confidant Manuel GC, proves that the Macedonia case was an attempt to discredit Trapero from the political brigade that nested in the Ministry of the Interior in the first government of Mariano Rajoy. Trapero has said that he has found out about the audio from the press, and has assured that the recording sought to “discredit” both the deceased prosecutor David Martínez Madero and the Mossos and the informer Manuel GC “It is how corruption acts”, he has sentenced.

The Prosecutor’s Office, which asks for eleven years in prison for both Manuel GC and Sub-inspector JR, has avoided asking Trapero after the interrogation of the confidant’s lawyer. Major’s testimony also contradicts the thesis of the chief investigator of Internal Affairs of the Mossos, who did not hesitate to point out Manuel GC as the head of a network of ‘narcos’.

Trapero explained that it was the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office who “commissioned” him to approach the informant Manuel GC so that he would collaborate with the investigation of the Riviera-Saratoga case -for which two chief inspectors of the National Police were convicted in 2014- and that, despite his “doubts” and “little interest”, he ended up doing it due to the insistence of the public ministry. Manuel GC’s testimony ended up being the key to condemning the corrupt plot.

At that time, Trapero was leading the Mossos investigation unit, and has explained that he delegated the relationship with the informer to his subordinates with the aim that Manuel CG would testify in the trial of the Saratoga case. Things went wrong when, as Trapero explained, Judge Aguirre summoned him to a meeting in his office. “That meeting has haunted me quite a bit,” he has admitted.

According to Trapero, Judge Aguirre was not satisfied with the fact that the Mossos had concluded that the seizure of 50 kilos of cocaine, which turned out to be mostly adulterated, responded to a “fraud between traffickers to say that [la droga] the police had taken it.”

Instead, the judge suspected that the Civil Guard had something to do with drugs, so, according to Trapero, he asked the Mossos to ask him to tap the phones of the 16 agents of the Civil Guard anti-drug unit in Barcelona. Trapero refused to ask for it, and told the judge that, if he wanted the punctures, he should order it in writing, something that never happened. “In a unit there may be one or two corrupt police officers, but 16 is hardly credible,” Trapero concluded.